By Simon Hornblower
This is often the second one quantity of a three-volume ancient and literary observation of the 8 books of Thucydides, the good fifth-century BC historian of the Peloponnesian battle among Athens and Sparta. Books iv-v.24 conceal the years 425-421 BC and comprise the Pylos-Spakteria narrative, the Delion crusade, and Brasidas' operations within the north of Greece. This quantity ends with the Peace of Nikias and the alliance among Athens and Sparta. a brand new function of this quantity is the entire thematic advent which discusses such issues as Thucydides and Herodotus, Thucydide's presentation of Brasidas, Thucydides and kinship, speech--direct and indirect--in iv-v.24, Thucydides and epigraphy (including own names), iv-v.24 as a piece of artwork: cutting edge or purely incomplete? Thucydides meant his paintings to be "an eternal ownership" and the ongoing significance of his paintings is undisputed. Simon Hornblower's remark, via translating each passage of Greek commented on for the 1st time, permits readers with very little Greek to understand the aspect of Thucydides' inspiration and subject-matter. a whole index on the finish of the quantity.
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Additional resources for A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume II: Books IV-V. 24
Luschnat's 1942 Philohgus Supplement on the speeches by generals in Thucydides, where exactly the same point is made, with a chart giving the same parallel layout of passages. Clearly, Hunter's suggestion was completely independent of Luschnat, but the duplication of effort is a warning that older works have their value, on literary as well as historical aspects of Thucydides. All that said, I think it is true that there has been a shift in Thucydidean studies since about i960, and that we have come to take this so much for granted that, when Momigliano's Sather lectures of the early 1960s were finally published in 1 9 9 ο , what they said about Thucydides did not seem as exciting as perhaps it did on delivery.
Anyway, the story of Aristagoras' Thracian failure is also told by Herodotus, v. 124-6, cp. v. 11. In particular, I think Thucydides' word φίύγων is pejorative and shows that Th. followed or at least agreed with Herodotus' view (v. 124. 1) that Aristagoras was a poorspirited creature who fled for that reason. But as I said in 1992 the verbal similarities are not close, and the historical facts could (especially in view of Thucydides' Thracian connections) be put down to common know ledge, or to awareness of authors other than Herodotus, and in 1992 I therefore classed this among passages for which no relationship with Herodotus need be posited.
I-v. 24, 85 ** Maclcod (above, n 46}. 157, 29 Intrtkiuction that theories about Herodotus' 414 publication date can possibly be relevant, even on Kennelly's own assumptions. The phrase 'systematic investigation' recalls exactly, but in view of Kennelly's non-citation of Macleod coincidentally, Colin Macleod's remark that 'the relation between Thucydides and Herodotus, so important and so obvious, has never been adequately or systematically investigated'. There are two basic strategies available for opposing my suggested parallels.
A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume II: Books IV-V. 24 by Simon Hornblower