By Rafael Núñez-Cedeño, Luis López, Richard Cameron
Twenty-one articles from the thirty first LSRL examine state-of-the-art matters and interfaces throughout phonology, pragmatics, sociolinguistics, semantics, and syntax in a number of dialects of such Romance languages as Catalan, French, Creole French, and Spanish, either outdated and glossy. study in Romance phonology strikes from the quantitative and synchronic to hide problems with diachrony and Optimality conception. paintings inside pragmatics and sociolinguistics additionally explores the synchronic/diachronic hyperlink whereas topicalizing such concerns as switch of non-pro-drop Swiss French towards pro-drop prestige, scalar implicatures, speech acts, notice order, and simplification in contexts of language touch. eventually, debates in linguistic concept are resumed within the paintings on syntax and semantics inside of either a Minimalist point of view and an Optimality framework. How do Catalan and French youngsters gather AGR and TNS? Can Basque Spanish be in comparison to topic-oriented chinese language? If Spanish preverbal matters happen in an A-position, can Spanish now not be in comparison to Greek?
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Additional resources for A Romance Perspective on Language Knowledge and Use: Selected Papers from the 31st Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Chicago, 19–22 April 2001
Subject clitics in Piedmontese: A minimalist analysis. ), Studies on the Syntax of Central Romance Languages (pp. 101– 121). Universitat di Girona. Hayes, Bruce (1989). The prosodic hierarchy in meter. Phonetics and Phonology, Volume I: Rhythm and Meter, 201–260. Horne, Merle (1989). The clitic group as a prosodic category in Old French. Working Papers, 35, 99–111. Lund, Sweden. Itô, Junko (1989). A prosodic theory of epenthesis. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 7(2), 217–259. Kayne, Richard S.
E/ is the preceding phonological environment in 71% of our sample cases, while voiceless stops, overwhelmingly /t/, make up 94% of the following contexts. It turns out that half of the medial syllable final data is from two word types with the /est/ sequence, estar and este/a/o, a point to which we return shortly. Stress also shows differences between the two positions, with word final reduction favored in unstressed syllables, as in the articles los, las and object clitic nos, and post-tonic syllables, as in entonces, Juárez, todos.
Espinosa 1930; Flórez 1951; Lipski 1984, 1994; Cotton & Sharp 1988; García & Tallon 1995). Syllable initial /s/ variation has been neglected as an object of study, not only because of the supposition that its occurrence is relatively limited, but more importantly we think, because of the prevailing assumption that it is a predictable extension of processes occurring in syllable final position and therefore merits little theoretical interest. Typologically the change [s] > [h] is implemented along two main pathways, labeled by Ferguson (1990) the Greek type and the Spanish type.
A Romance Perspective on Language Knowledge and Use: Selected Papers from the 31st Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Chicago, 19–22 April 2001 by Rafael Núñez-Cedeño, Luis López, Richard Cameron