By Timothy J. Minchin
Martin Luther King's 1965 handle from Montgomery, Alabama, the heart of a lot racial clash on the time and the positioning of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade past, is frequently thought of by means of historians to be the end result of the civil rights period in American background. In his momentous speech, King declared that segregation was once "on its deathbed" and that the circulate had already completed major milestones. even if the civil rights circulation had gained many battles within the fight for racial equality through the mid-1960s, together with laws to assure black balloting rights and to desegregate public lodgings, the struggle to enforce the recent legislation was once simply beginning. actually, King's speech in Montgomery represented a brand new starting instead of a end to the circulate, a indisputable fact that King said within the address.After the Dream: Black and White Southerners considering 1965 starts off the place many histories of the civil rights flow finish, with King's victorious march from the long-lasting battleground of Selma to Montgomery. Timothy J. Minchin and John Salmond concentrate on occasions within the South following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 balloting Rights Act. After the Dream examines the social, financial, and political implications of those legislation within the many years following their passage, discussing the empowerment of black southerners, white resistance, lodging and popularity, and the nation's political will. The publication additionally offers a desirable heritage of the often-overlooked interval of race kin in the course of the presidential administrations of Ford, Carter, Reagan, and either George H. W. and George W. Bush. finishing with the election of President Barack Obama, this learn will impression modern historiography at the civil rights stream.
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Additional resources for After the Dream: Black and White Southerners since 1965 (Civil Rights and the Struggle for Black Equality in the Twentieth Century)
Now, elderly men and women were able to exercise the ballot for the first time in their long lives. In the Alabama primary of 1966, the new voters included Willie Bolden, an eighty-one-year-old who was the grandson of a slave. “It made me think I was sort of Somebody,” he commented. As Clarence Mitchell reflected, the 235,000 blacks who voted in the primary represented a watershed. “They turned the corner in the political life of Alabama,” he declared. ”69 Where there was likely to be resistance, the federal examiners stepped in.
In Atlanta, for example, the first day of the 1965–1966 school year was a memorable one for the family of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Seven-year-old Martin Luther King III and nine-year-old Yolanda were part of a small group of African American children who quietly integrated Spring Street School. “Several parents welcomed us and said how happy they were to see us,” commented Coretta Scott King. ” Across Georgia’s largest city, between two thousand and twenty-five hundred black children now attended school with whites, up from sixteen hundred the year before.
The black vote also decided the outcome of many elections, including Winthrop Rockefeller’s successful gubernatorial bid in Arkansas. Receiving more than 90 percent of the black vote, Rockefeller defeated the ardent segregationist Jim Johnson in a close race. 73 While federal enforcement was important, black agency also played a vital role in bringing about these gains. In the first three years after the act was passed, NAACP branches conducted voter registration drives right across the South. In the summer of 1965, for example, the association initiated a project in Alabama, Mississippi, and South Carolina that led to over fifty thousand blacks being registered.
After the Dream: Black and White Southerners since 1965 (Civil Rights and the Struggle for Black Equality in the Twentieth Century) by Timothy J. Minchin